Tracing the Roots of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals
A Bibliographical Survey

by Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad

This essay provides a sketch of the thinking of Indonesian Muslim intellectuals of the 1990s and offers a comprehensive explanation of their reformist approach to Islam from the 1970s onward. It argues that there is continuity in their Islamic thought over the last three decades. I employ a bibliographical approach to the works of these intellectuals, an approach not used before by either Indonesian or foreign scholars. While the timeline begins with the 1970s, I must warn readers that my knowledge of works in the 1970s is limited. I hope, however, that other scholars can fill the gap by undertaking detailed studies of this period.

There is no consensus regarding the origins of Islamic reform in Indonesia. The argument that it started in the late 19th and early 20th centuries has been challenged by Azyumardi Azra, who claimed that reform in Islam began as early as the 17th century.1 His revisionist explanation set off a series of discussions on the issue, especially on the intellectual expression of these reforms. Those who clung to the first argument would consign this point to a mere “footnote” in the study of Muslim intellectuals and reformism. But for those who took Azyumardi’s claim seriously, it meant taking into account the intellectual dynamics in Haramayn and Egypt.2

On the other hand, to date the reform movement to the early 19th and 20th centuries meant to focus on how these Muslim intellectuals adopted the ethos and spirit of modernism and how they tapped institutions like newspapers and journals to articulate their views. In this context, however, modernism was framed by colonialism and the proselytization of Christianity by the colonial power, which regarded the religious behavior of Indonesian Muslims as “trapped” in the TBC (Taklid, Bid’ah and Churafat, or unquestioning acceptance of traditional religious interpretations, heresy, and superstitions, respectively).3 This modernism did not last long, as Muslim scholars became caught up in the intensity of the independence and post-independence debates regarding the foundations of the nation, relations between state and religion, and the direction of Indonesian politics, which they saw as “dominated” by secular nationalists.4 Even in the last days of Old Order, Islamic thought remained undeveloped because the foremost concern was the threat of the Partai Komunis Indonesia.

Leading Lights

Intellectual articulations of Islamic thought first appeared in the 1970s, as noted by M. Dawan Rahardjo in his book Intelektual Intelegensia dan Perilaku Politik Bangsa.5 Young Muslim intellectuals led by Nurcholish Madjid began to make their presence felt, proposing that the Muslim community would be in a better position if it de-emphasized the political power of the community under the Old Order and redirected the attention of Indonesian Muslims toward the substance of Islamic teachings. The emergence of this group of intellectuals was in response to the New Order government’s moves to limit, if not eliminate, the power of political Islam. M. Syafii Anwar’s book Pemikiran dan Aksi Islam Indonesia, for example, argued that the New Order government would do away with “primordial political ideology.”6 Books like Anwar’s were meant to send a message to young Muslim intellectuals not to give political Islam the importance it was given by their predecessors, who, in turn, lost power under the Old Order.

A comprehensive study of the role of Nurcholish Madjid is M. Kamal Hassan’s Ph.D. dissertation, “Muslim Intellectual Response to New Order Modernization in Indonesia” (Columbia University, 1975).7 Kamal’s arguments, however, were debunked by Greg Barton in his book Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia.8 Barton’s study was critiqued in turn by Ahmad Baso, a younger intellectual Muslim from Nahdatul Ulama.9 The dynamics of Islamic modernization in response to the politics of the New Order are also discussed by Kamal, Bahtiar Effendy, and M. Rusli Karim.10 Scholars like Faisal Ismail look at Islamic modernism from the perspective of the tension within Pancasila, while Masykuri Abdillah looks at these dynamics within the framework of a larger discourse on democracy.11

It is important to note that the ideas of these Muslim intellectuals of the 1970s became accepted within the wider context of Islamic thought in Indonesia. More importantly, their ideas began to alter the policies of the New Order regarding Islam and the Muslim community. For instance, as a result of their writings, the state became more accommodating of Islam. Bahtiar Effendy cites four areas where the New Order became more obliging: structural, legislative, infrastructural, and cultural. In the cultural sphere, one of the most apparent moves by the government was the recruitment of Islamic thinkers and activists to the executive branch, the bureaucracy, and the legislature.12 Parliament also passed laws which provided more material benefit to Islam. The most prominent of these regulations was the creation of the Islamic bank Bank Muamalat Indonesia in 1991. And the state began to include Islamic themes in its rituals and ceremonies.13

Harun Nasution’s role in spreading the discourse of Islamic thought also had a deep impact on the next generation of Islamic thinkers when he tried to “indigenize” Mu’tazilah (an Islamic theology group in Islam) in Indonesia in the 1970s. Despite initial resistance by many, his efforts bore fruit with the development of a new generation of Muslim scholars specializing in Islamic thought in the 1980s and 1990s through his organization, the State Institute of Islamic Studies. Arief Subhan, Saiful Muzani, and Fauzan Saleh give recognition to Harun’s contribution to the spread of “rational thinking” in Indonesia.14 Another intellectual, Munawir Sjadzali, was deeply involved in sending many Muslim scholars from the State Institute of Islamic Studies abroad in the 1990s to receive education in counterpart Islamic Studies institutes in the West. This group returned to Indonesia to make a profound impact on the discourse of Islamic thought in the country. Many authors who cited Munawir’s program noted how much it helped relax ideological tensions that were beginning to rise in Indonesia in the 1990s.15

Still another prominent figure in the movement to modernize Islamic thought is the scholar Mukti Ali. Through his Yogyakarata study circle, the Limited Group, Mukti invited many Muslim thinkers to join a pioneer study on comparative religion at the State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN). His role has been acknowledged by young Yogyakarta Muslim thinkers like the late Ahmad Wahib, M. Dawam Rahardjo, Djohan Effendi, and many others. His vision of a modernist Islam has also been explored in Abdurahman, Burhanuddin Daya, and Djam’annuari’s edited volume, Agama dan Masyarakat, as well as by Ali Munhannif and Nasrullah Ali Fauzi.16 Finally, there is H.M. Rasjidi – also referred to by Nurcholish Madjid as the Godfather of the McGill (University) Mafia. His works have been appreciated in Indonesia, as indicated by the writings about him by Azyumardi Azra, Akh. Minhaji, and Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad.17 His disagreements with Nurcholish Madjid and his colleagues, however, limited his influence, especially since Rasjidi’s works have drawn the full attention of the first Religious Minister of Indonesia.

Institutions

The organizations and foundations in which these intellectuals worked served as “vehicles as well as transmitters” of the modernization movement. Prominent among these leading institutions were the Paramadina Foundation, which helped spread the ideas of Nurcholish Madjid. Being visiting professor in the Indonesian Academy of Sciences and senior lecturer in IAIN also served Nurcholish well. And Greg Barton points out that having Syarif Hidayatullah as a colleague in Paramadina was vital to Nurcholish’s attempts to popularize the discourse of Islamic modernity.18 Periodically, Nurcholish delivered monthly lectures at the KKA (Club of Religious Studies), an association of mainly middle class Muslims in Jakarta, and invited other scholars to stimulate the discussions. Through these lectures, Nurcholish and his colleagues “flooded” the Indonesian scene. Publications by Paramadina and other foundations complemented these proceedings.19 Paramadina publications were in turn distributed by institutions like Buku Panduan Program Pusat Studi Islam. The foundation also published a journal by the name of Paramadina, but it only lasted two editions.

Another vital network was the LSAF (Lembaga Studi Agama dan Filsafat) (Philosophy and Religion Study Circle). The LSAF became active in socializing the movement of Islamic modernism in the 1980s and continued its projects well into the 1990s. It was instrumental in the production of works by authors like M. Dawam Rahardjo, whose 1996 essay in the journal Ulumul Qur’an focused on the latest developments in the study of Islam. Dawam also wrote a regular column called Assalamu’alaikum and is author of the compendium Ensiklopedia Qur’an (published by Paramadina, which was closely allied to LSAF).20 LSAF was also responsible for the emergence and nurturing of young Muslim intellectuals like Saiful Muzani, Budhy Munawar-Rachman, Ihsan Ali-Fauzi, Arief Subhan, Nasrullah Ali-Fauzi, Agus Wachid, Edy A. Efendy, Dewi Nurjulianti, and Nurul Agustina. Some of them became major thinkers in their respective disciplines.21

Then there is the Muthahhari Foundation, chaired by Jalaludin Rakhmat and based in Bandung. This foundation was established by Jalaluddin, Haidar Bagir, Ahmad Tafsir, and Achmad Muhadjir in 1988. It is named after Mutahhari, a prolific 20th century cleric cum intellectual who was regarded as the model Muslim scholar for having strong roots in the traditional teachings of Islam, for mastering non-religious subjects, and for showing concern for real social problems.22 This foundation is known to be close to the Shia Islam, publisher of a now-defunct journal, Al Hikmah, which expressed Shiite views of Islam and the world, especially those of Jalaluddin, and translator of works by Shiite Muslim scholars. And the foundation used to have close ties with Mizan Press, a publisher that produces works by Shiite Muslim scholars like Ali Syari’ati. But the journal also published works by orientalists and thus was seen as promoting a plural perspective on Islam.

The fourth organization is LP3ES (Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan, and Penerangan Ekonomi dan Social) (Institute for Economic and Social Research, Education and Information), established in 1971 with funding from the Friedrich Nauman Stiftung of Germany.23 Its leading thinkers included Fachry Ali, Hadimulyo, M. Dawam Rahardjo, and Abdurrahman Wahid. Dawam Rahardjo used LP3ES as a way of involving the pesantren in various programs of empowerment, but also guided social research on empirical matters and less on normative themes. LP3ES published books that are considered major references for Islamic studies in Indonesia, as well as the journal Prisma, which focused on social themes as they relate to Islam in Indonesia.24 Prisma promoted articles with anti-ideological and anti-political party themes, as well as essays promoting mass understanding of present and past Islamic discourses.25 According to Martin van Bruinessen, Prisma has also inspired an open minded perspective on the study of traditional texts, even while it offers a critical review of these texts.26 LP3ES was unique because it was both a research institute and an NGO. It was, according to Fachry Ali, “an organization that generously accommodate[d] our intellectual desire [t]hrough research activities and its journal Prisma… [and] had inspired and supported the desires for an intellectual quest that have been pioneered by Nurcholish Madjid in our community.”27

The fifth organization is P3M (Perhimpunan Pengembangan Pesantren dan Masyarakat) (Association for the Development of Pesantren and Society), established in 1983 and now headed by Masdar F. Mas’udi. Its goals include providing intellectual support for modernism within the pesantren world.28 Its founder was related to the LP3ES, but its development was mainly the result of efforts by the Nahadtul Ulama (NU) and Masyumi.29 The writings coming out of P3M, especially by prominent figures like Masdar and Abdurahman Wahid, break with old traditions like the view that teachings must closely follow the classical texts. The foundation publishes a quarterly journal that examines the latest developments in the pesantren world.

The sixth organization is PPSK (Center for Strategy and Policy Studies), which is based in Yogyakarta and was created shortly before the birth of Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim se-Indonesia (ICMI) in 1993. Amien Rais was the prime mover behind PPSK, supported by such other Gadjah Mada University scholars as Watik Pratiknya, Kuntowijoyo, Sofyan Effendy, Jamaluddin Ancok, Ichasul Amal, Yahya Muhaimin, Dochak Latif, Chairul Anwar, and the late Affan Gaffar. According to Amien, the organization would function as a “kitchen that produces thoughts for the Muslims.”30 It eventually transformed itself into the think tank that gave birth to ICMI, the now famous clearing house for various Muslims intellectuals. PPSK publishes a quarterly journal, Prospektif, producing works similar to those of the IAIN.

It should be clear by now that the movement of Islamic modernism in Indonesia has always been associated with foundations, with scholars and intellectuals known for both their ideas and their affiliations. Nurcholish Madjid, for example, is recognized as a scholar from IAIN Jakarta and LIPI, but the public also knows him as a leading light of Paramadina. Furthermore, a new generation of intellectuals has become known via these “vehicles.” Komaruddin Hidayat, a young Muslim thinker in the 1990s, made his mark in public via Paramadina, while LP3ES was responsible for the reputation of Fachry Ali as an expert on social sciences and politics. The P3M was the incubator for the scholars under NU to emerge, notably Zuhairi Misrawi in 2000, while LSAF produced young Muslim thinkers who became known as newspaper commentators, translators, editors, or freelance writers, such as Saiful Muzani, who would later move to a research institute under the State Islamic University.

Journals and Newspapers

Naturally, journals like Prisma, Pesantren, Ulumul Qur’an, and Al Hikmah were crucial in promoting the views of the above intellectuals. They became “historical witnesses” to the development of these Islamic thinkers and inspired other journals to emerge. Such new journals as Al-Manar, Al-Imam, Al-Munir, Al-Muslimun, Ittihad, Seruan al-Azhar, Pilehan Timoer, al-Islah, Pembela Islam, and al-Islam would not have flourished without the works of their predecessors (some of which have unfortunately ceased publication today).31

Complementing the journals were the media and the book publishers, whose devotion to the spread of modern Islamic discourse combined with their desire to sell to the public at large. One of the leading lights among these institutions was the magazine Tempo, which committed itself to pursuing “the vision of modernization.”32 In the 1980s Tempo was crucial in the dissemination of the ideas of Nurcholish Madjid, becoming what some considered his “loudspeaker.”33 Issues of Islamic thought frequently became headlines in various editions of the magazine.34 However, Tempo would also be criticized for promoting Islamic modernism just to “sell” to a big market of readers. Its former editor in chief, Yulizar Kasiri, for example, once explained that “Tempo [cited the ideas of] Islamic Neo-modernism offered by Nurcholish Madjid as a decoy to the readers.”35

Another periodical, Panjimas (Panji Masyarakat) also played an important role in promoting debates on Islamic thought in Indonesia. Established 15 June 1959 by Faqih Usman, Hamka, and Yunan Nasution, Panjimas disseminated Islamic modernism.36 Alongside the writings of Nurcholish, it published essays by the older generation of Islamic thinkers such as Hamka, who was critical of the former.37 Panjimas likewise served as a training ground for the young Muslim thinkers of the 1970s, and several IAIN graduates earned their spurs working for the magazine. One could say that almost all Muslim intellectuals of the 1980s and 1990s were associated with Panjimas. One of them, Fachry Ali, recalled how he recruited his friends to the journal, many of whom would become important figures later on:

I would like to mention Komaruddin Hidayat (my class), the late Iqbal Abdurauf Saimima, Azyumardi Azra (my friend) who I recruited to work in Panji Masyarakat based on the assurance given me by Pak Rusjdi Hamka. Farid Hadjiri recruited me to work in this magazine. Other young Muslim writers such as Sudirman Tebba (now with AN TEVE), Asafri J Bakrie, Bahtiar Effendy, Dasrizal, M. Amin Nurdin, Pipip Ahmad Rifau were also under our intellectual guidance.38

While the role of Panjimas as a training ground for major thinkers of modern Islamic discourse in Indonesia is general knowledge, much needs to be done to explore these connections and their impact.

We also cannot discount the influence of the daily newspaper Kompas in promoting modernist thinking, especially in the 1980s. Many of the scholars mentioned above always wanted to have their ideas published in Kompas because of its huge readership. Kompas was also a vital reference for many of these writers, including Nurcholish, who many thought would not get any space in a media outlet managed by non-Muslims.39 The publishing house Mizan, established in 1983 and directed by Haidar Bagir, must also be cited for its active promotion of the works of local and international Muslim thinkers. Although there is yet to be a study on the distribution network and impact of Mizan, I am quite certain that its books were sought actively by a public wanting to keep informed of the latest development in Islamic thought. Mizan published works like Nurcholish Madjid’s Islam Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan (1999), Harun Nasution’s Islam Rasional (1999), M. Dawam Rahardjo’s Intelektual Intelegensia dan Perilaku Politik (1993), Jalaluddin Rakhmat’s Islam Aktual (1993), M. Amien Rais’ Cakrawala Islam (1995), Ahmad Syafii Maarif’s Peta Bumi Intelektualisme Islam Indonesia (1995), and M. Quraish Shihab’s “Membumikan” Al-Qur’an (1996), among others. Because of their role in disseminating the works of Muslim thinkers, William Liddle suggests that more serious attention be given to the role media has played in the dynamics of Islam in Indonesia.40

Conclusion

In my opinion, the development of modernism in Islamic thought in the 1980s was largely the responsibility of Fachry Ali and Dawam Rahardjo, who elaborated on the thoughts of Nurcholish Madjid. Fachry Ali in particular has been trying to put Nurcholish’s idea into practices since the 1970s. A senior for other young Muslim thinkers of the 1990s, Fachry Ali invited many of his IAIN classmates as well as junior colleagues (Azyumardi Azra, Komaruddin Hidayar, Bahtiar Effendy, Badri Yatim, Hadimulyo) to establish an intellectual community based on the thought of Nurcholish in Ciputat.41 This forum in turn helped nurture much younger thinkers, who included Ali Muhannif, Ihsan Ali-Fauzi, Ahmadi Thaha, Nanang Tahqiq, Saiful Muzani, Muhammad Wahyuni Nafis, and Nasrullah Ali Fauzi. They became translators, writers, editors, and contributors to books published in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s. Azyumardi Azra, who would rise to a stellar role various academic fora, constantly cited the generous support given him by Fachry Ali.42

M Dawam Rahardjo, on the other hand, is distinguished for having recruited fellow IAIN alumni to work in the real world through institutes like LSAF, LP3ES, and P3M. If Nurchlish Madjid is known as a man of ideas then Dawam may be called a man of practice. Through Prisma he invited Muslim scholars to deal with empirical social themes and in Ulumul Qur’an, he created a forum where various disciplines could discuss and debate contemporary issues related to Islamic thought. Finally through his links with the Pesantren, Dawam offers his audience a chance to understand the world which is a breeding ground for the Muslim thinkers.43

This essay has been a preliminary attempt to trace the roots of Islamic thought in the 1980s. It sees four elements that constitute a main thread. First, there is continuity between the ideas developed in the 1970s and 1980s and those that became prominent in the 1990s. The liberal interpretations of scholars like Harun Nasution and his cohort found supportive heirs in the generations that followed them. Second, Nurcholish Madjid’s ideas on secularization were also warmly accepted by younger generations of scholars, thanks in part to the active promotion of people like Fachry Ali and Dawam Rahardjo. Third, more studies are needed on the role of publishers and mass media in disseminating the ideas of these Islamic scholars. And finally, there is also a need to examine the indigenous features of Islamic thought in Indonesia, especially in the 1980s.

 

Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad is a lecturer at the Institute of Liberal Arts, Walailak University, Thailand.

 

Kyoto Review of Southeast Asia 8 (March 2007)
© Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University

 

1Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad XVII dan XVIII: Melacak Akar-Akar Pembaruan Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia (Bandung: Mizan, 1994); Azyumardi Azra, Islam Reformis: Dinamika Intelektual dan Gerakan (Jakarta: RajaGrafindo Persada, 1999), 159-163; Azyumardi Azra, “Jaringan ‘Ulama’ Timur Tengah dan Indonesia Abad Ke-17 (Sebuah Esei untuk 70 Tahun Prof. Harun Nasution),” in Refleksi Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam: 70 Tahun Nasution (Jakarta: LSAF, 1989), 358-384. For a review of Indonesian Islamic modernism before and after independence, see Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, Islam Historis: Dinamika Studi Islam di Indonesia (Yogyakarta: Galang Press, 2002)

2Azyumardi Azra, Renaisans Islam Asia Tenggara: Sejarah & Kekuasaan (Bandung: Rosdakarya, 1999), 143-161; Mona Abaza, Pendidikan Islam dan Pergeseran Orientasi: Studi Kasus Alumni Al-Azhar (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1999).

3 Alfian, Muhammadiyah: The Political Behavior of A Muslim Modernist Organization Under Dutch Colonialism (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1989); Alwi Shihab, Islam Inklusif: Menuju Sikap Terbuka dalam Beragama (Bandung: Mizan, 1997), 3-36; Alwi Shihab, Membendung Arus: Respons Muhammadiyah terhada Penetrasi Misi Kristen di Indonesia (Bandung: Mizan, 1998); and Akh. Minhaji, Ahmad Hassan and Islamic Legal Reform in Indonesia (1887-1958) (Yogyakarta: Kurnia Kalam Semesta Press, 2001).

4 Endang Saifuddin Anshari, Piagam Jakarta 22 Juni 1945 dan Sejarah Konsensus Nasionalis Islami dan Nasionalis “Sekuler” Tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945-1959 (Jakarta: Rajawali Press, 1986); Ahmad Syafii Maarif, Islam dan Politik di Indonesia Pada Masa Demokrasi Terpimpin (1959-1965) (Yogyakarta: IAIN Sunan Kalijaga Press, 1988); Ahmad Suheimi, Soekarno Versus Natsir: Kemenangan Barisan Megawati Reinkarnasi Nasionalis Sekuler (Jakarta: Darul Falah, 1999); Greg Fealy, Ijtihad Politik Ulama: Sejarah NU 1952-1967 (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2003).

5 M. Dawam Rahardjo, Intelektual Intelegensia dan Perilaku Politik Bangsa: Risalah Cendekiawan Muslim (Bandung: Mizan, 1993), 24.

6 M. Syafii Anwar, Pemikiran dan Aksi Islam Indonesia: Sebuah Kajian Politik Tentang Cendekiawan Orde Baru (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1995), 8.

7 This dissertation was published in Kuala Lumpur in 1982 by Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kementrian Pelajaran Malaysia.

8 Greg Barton, Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia: Pemikiran Neo-Modernisme Nurcholish Madjid, Djohan Effendi, Ahmad Wahib dan Abdurrahman Wahid, trans. Nanang Tahqiq (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1998), 28-32.

9 Ahmad Baso, “Epilog: PMII, dari ‘Islam Liberal’ ke ‘Post-Tradisionalisme Islam’ dari Communal Society ke Civil Society,” in Muh. Hanif Dhakiri and Zaini Rachman, Post-Tradisionalisme Islam: Menyingkap Corak Pemikiran dan Gerakan PMII (Jakarta: ISISINDO Mediatama, 2000), 95-96.

10 Bahtiar Effendy, Islam dan Negara: Transformasi Pemikiran dan Praktik Politik Islam di Indonesia, trans. Ihsan Ali-Fauzi (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1998), 142-144; M. Rusli Karim, Negara dan Peminggiran Islam Politik: Suatu Kajian Mengenai Implikasi Kebijakan Pembangunan Bagi Keberadaan “Islam Politik” di Indonesia Era 1970-an dan 1980-an (Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, 1999), 206-207.

11 Faisal Ismail, Ideologi Hegemoni dan Otoritas Agama: Wacana Ketegangan Kreatif Islam dan Pancasila (Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, 1999), 253; Masykuri Abdillah, Demokrasi di Persimpangan Makna: Respons Intelektual Muslim Indonesia terhadap Konsep Demokrasi (1966-1993) (Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana, 1999), 83. See also Masykuri Abdillah, “Theological Response to the Concepts of Democracy and Human Rights: The Case of Contemporary Indonesia Muslim Intellectuals,” Studia Islamika 3, no. 1 (1996): 1-42.

12 Bahtiar, Islam dan Negara, 273.

13 Other studies on these matters include Abdul Azis Thaba, Islam dan Negara dalam Politik Orde Baru (Jakarta: Gema Insani Press, 1996); and Amiruddin, Kekuatan Islam dan Pergulatan Kekuasaan di Indonesia; Sebelum dan Sesudah Runtuhnya Rezim Soeharto (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 1999).

14 Arief Subhan, “Prof. Dr. Harun Nasution: Penyemai Teologi Islam Rasional,” in Tokoh dan Pemimpin Agama: Biografi Sosial Intelektual, ed. Azyumardi Azra and Saiful Umam, eds., 439-477 (Jakarta: Badan Litbang Departemen Agama RI dan PPIM, 1998); Saiful Muzani, “Reaktualisasi Teologi Mu’tazilah Bagi Pembaharan Umat Islam: Lebih Dekat dengan Harun Nasution,” Ulumul Qur’an 4, no.4 (1993): 1-12; Fauzan Saleh, Modern Trends in Islamic Theological Discourse in 20th Century Indonesia: A Critical Survey (Leiden: Brill, 2001): 197-240.

15 Bahtiar Effendy, Hendro Prasetyo, and Arief Subhan, “Munawir Sjadzali MA: Pencairan Ketegangan Ideologis,” in Menteri-Menteri Agama RI: Biografi Sosial-Politik, ed. Azyumardi Azra and Saiful Umam, 367-412 (Jakarta: Litbang Depag, PPIM, dan INIS, 1998); Bahtiar Effendy, “Islam and the State in Indonesia: Munawir Sjadzali and the Development of a New Theological Underpinning of Political Islam,” Studia Islamika 2, no. 2 (1995): 97-121, later published in Teologi Baru Politik Islam: Pertautan Agama, Negara dan Demokrasi (Yogyakarta: Galang Press, 2000), 67-85; Agus Wahid, “Munawir Sjadzali,” Ulumul Qur’an 6, no.3 (1995): 32.

16 Abdurahman, Burhanuddin Daya, and Djam’annuri, Agama dan Masyarakat (Yogyakarta: IAIN Sunan Kalijaga Press, 1985); Ali Muhannif, “Islam and the Struggle for Religious Pluralism in Indonesia: A Political Reading of the Religious Thought of Mukti Ali,” Studia Islamika 3, no.1 (1996): 79-126; “Prof. Dr. A. Mukti Ali: Modernisasi Politik Keagamaan Orde Baru,” in Menteri-Menteri Agama RI, 269-320; and Nasrullah Ali-Fauzi, “Abdul Mukti Ali,” Ulumul Qur’an 6, no.3 (1995): 30-31.

17 Azyumardi Azra, “Guardian the Faith of the Ummah: The Religio-Intellectual Journey of Mohammad Rasjidi,” Studia Islamika 1, no. 2 (1994): 87-119; idem, “H.M. Rasjidi, BA: Pembentukan Kementrian Agama dalam Revolusi,” in Menteri-Menteri Agama RI, 3-33; Akh. Minhaji dan Kamaruzzaman Bustamam-Ahmad, “In Memoriam: Prof. Dr. H.M. Rasjidi, 1915-2001,” Asy-Syir’ah 8 (2001): 111-130.

18 Barton, Gagasan Islam Liberal di Indonesia, 505.

19 Another book produced by Paramadina is Komaruddin Hidayat, Tragedi Raja Midas: Moralitas Agama dan Krisis Modernisme (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1998). See also Buhdy Munawar-Rachman, “Model Kajian Agama di Kalangan Kelas Menengah: Kasus Paramadina,” Lektur 5 (1996), 59-74; and Buhdy Munawar-Rachman, “Reformulasi Tradisi Intelektual Islam: Sebuah Pengalaman Studi Islam di Paramadina,” paper presented at seminar on “Reformulasi Pembidangan Ilmu di PTAI,” Yogyakarta, 5-6 November (2003).

20 M. Dawam Rahardjo, Ensiklopedi Al-Qur’an: Tafsir Sosial Berdasarkan Konsep-Konsep Kunci (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1996). Ulumul Qur’an’s growth was due to the support given to it by Nurcholish Madjid.

21 M. Dawam Rahardjo, “Kata Pengantar,” in Dekonstruksi Islam: Mazhab Ciputat, ed. Edy A. Effendy, xxvii (Bandung: Zaman Wacana Mulya, 1999).

22 See Dedy Djamaluddin Malik and Idi Subandy Ibrahim, Zaman Baru Islam Indonesia: Pemikiran & Aksi Politik Abdurrahman Wahid, M. Amien Rais, Nurcholish Madjid, dan Jalaluddin Rakhmat (Bandung: Zaman Wacana Mulya, 1998), 152; and “Tentang Yayasan Muthahhari,” Al-Hikmah 1 (1990): 102.

23 Martin van Bruinessen, NU: Tradisi, Relasi-relasi Kuasa, Pencarian Wacana Baru (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 1999), 236.

24 LP3ES works on Indonesian Islam include: Deliar Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam di Indonesia 1900-1942 (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1996); Taufik Abdullah, Islam dan Masyarakat: Pantulan Sejarah Indonesia (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1996); Ahmad Syafii Maarif, Islam dan Masalah Kenegaraan: Studi tentang Percaturan dalam Konstituante (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1996); Zamakhsyari Dhofier, Tradisi Pesantren: Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1994); and Agama dan Tantangan Zaman: Pilihan Artikel Prisma 1975-1984 (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1985). In 1999, LKiS published Abdurahman Wahid’s memoir under the title Prisma Pemikiran Gus Dur (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 1999).

25 Hairus Salim HS, “Gus Dur dan Kenangan Cendekiawan Zaman Prisma,” in Prisma Pemikiran Gus Dur, ix.

26`Martin van Bruinessen, NU, 222.

27 Fachry Ali, “Epilog Intelektual, Pengaruh Pemikiran, dan Lingkungannya: Butir-Butir Catatan Untuk Nurcholish Madjid,” in Effendy, Dekonstruksi Islam, 313 (see note 21). This article was first published under the title “Kata Pengantar: Intelektual, Pengaruh Pemikirannya dan Lingkungannya: Butir-butir Catatan untuk Nurcholish Madjid,” as the preface to Nurcholish Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan: Artikulasi Nilai Islam dalam Wacana Sosial Politik Kontemporer (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1998), xxi-lvii.

28 Barton, Gagasan Islam Liberal, 495.

29 Martin van Bruinessen, NU, 246.

30 “M. Amien Rais: Belajar Ke Barat, Tapi Anti Orientalis,” Ulumul Qur’an 5, no.3, (1994): 104.

31Azyumardi Azra, Islam Nusantara: Jaringan Global dan Lokal (Bandung: Mizan, 2002); Azyumardi Azra, Menuju Masyarakat Madani: Gagasan, Fakta, dan Tantangan (Bandung: Rosdakarya, 1999), 32-33; Howard M. Federspiel, Persatuan Islam: Pembaharuan Islam Indonesia Abad XXI, trans. Yudian W. Asmin and Affandi Mochtar (Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1996); Muhammad Rezduan Othman, “Islam dan Proses Politik dalam Peradaban Malaysia” (unpublished).

32 M. Deden Ridwan, “Tempo dan Gerakan Neo-Modernisme Islam Indonesia,” Ulumul Qur’an 6, no.3 (1995): 51.

33 Ibid.

34 See, for example, the issues of May 1971, April 1972, July 1972, December 1972, January 1973, June 1986, and April 1993. Ibid, 52.

35 But Yulizar would qualify that the magazine had nothing to do with either “rejecting or accepting such ideas, leaving it to readers to decide.” Agus Wahid, “Cak Nur dan Tempo,” Ulumul Qur’an 6, no.3 (1995): 53.

36 Azyumardi Azra, Menuju Masyarakat Madani, 30.

37 Ibid., 33.

38 Fachry Ali, “Epilog Intelektual,” 312.

39 Fachry Ali, Agama, Islam dan Pembangunan (Yogyakarta: PLP2M, 1985).

40 Robert William Liddle, Islam, Politik dan Modernisasi (Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 1997), 100-132; Rober W. Hefner, Islam Pasar Keadilan: Artikulasi Lokal, Kapitalisme, dan Demokrasi (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2000), 43-90.

41 Fachry Ali, “Epilog Intelektual,” 293.

42 Azyumardi Azra, “Pengantar Penyunting,” in Fachry Ali, Agama, Islam dan Pembangunan, 1-3.

43 Dawam Rahardjo’s habit of providing introductions is well known. See for example, M. Dawam Rahardjo, “Islam dan Modernisasi: Catatan Atas Paham Sekularisasi Nurcolish Madjid,” in Nurcholish Madjid, Islam Kemodernan dan Keindonesiaan (Bandung: Mizan, 1999), 11-31.; M. Dawam Rahardjo, “Melihat ke Belakang, Merancang Masa Depan: Pengantar,” in Islam Indonesia Menatap Masa Depan, ed. Muntaha Azhari and Abdul Mun’im Saleh, 1-16 (Jakarta: P3M, 1989); M. Dawam Rahardjo, “Kata Pengantar” in Effendy, Dekonstruksi Islam, vii-xxviii (see note 21); M. Dawam Rahardjo, “Kata Pengantar: Dari Modernisme ke Pasca Modernisme,” in Tragedi Raja Midas: Moralitas Agama dan Krisis Modernisme, ed. Komaruddin Hidayat, xvii-xxv (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1998); M. Dawam Rahardjo, “Islam Sejarah Profetik dan Analisis Transformasi Masyarakat,” in Kuntowijoyo, Paradigma Islam: Interpretasi untuk Aksi, 11-19 (Bandung: Mizan, 1991).